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Iran
Area: 1.648 million sq km (636,296 sq miles)
Population: 70 million (UN estimate for 2000)
Capital City: Tehran (population: approx 12-15 million)
People: The majority are Persian, but there is a significant Azeri minority. Other ethnic groups include Kurds, Arabs, Lurs, Baluchis and Turkmen
Languages: Persian (Farsi) is the national language. Azeri is the next most widely spoken language, most Azeri speakers living in the northwest around Tabriz. Other minority languages include Kurdish, Arabic, Luri and Baluchi
Religion(s): The official religion is Shi'a Islam. The majority of the population are Muslims, approximately 91% are Shi'a, 8% are Sunni. The rest are mainly Zoroastrian, Jewish, Christian or Bahá'í
Currency: £1 = 15,525 (April 2004) Iranian Rials (10 Rials=1 Toman)
Government: Islamic Republic
Head of State: Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamene'i
President: Dr Mahmud Ahmadinejad
Foreign Minister: Manuchehr Mottaki
Membership of international groups/organisations: see International Relations for more details
GEOGRAPHYIran is located in the Middle East and is bounded to the north by Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan and the Caspian Sea, to the east by Afghanistan and Pakistan, to the south by the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, and to the west by Iraq and Turkey. It is nearly seven times the size of the UK and twice the size of Turkey. The centre and east of the country is largely barren desert, punctuated by oases. There are mountainous regions in the west along the Turkish and Iraqi borders and in the north, where the Alborz mountains rise steeply from a fertile belt around the Caspian Sea.
CONSTITUTIONThe present Constitution was adopted after the 1979 revolution. It stipulates that Iran is an Islamic Republic and the teachings of Islam are to be the basis of all political, social and economic relations.
Overall authority is vested in the Supreme Leader, currently Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who is chosen by the Assembly of Experts, an elected body of 86 religious scholars chosen from all over Iran. The Supreme Leader is the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces.
The executive branch is headed by a President, elected by universal adult suffrage for a term of four years and is restricted by the Constitution to no more than two consecutive terms in office.
Legislative powers are held by the Majles consisting of 290 elected members who represent regional areas or religious communities for a four-year term. Iranian Christians, Zoroastrians and Jews have dedicated Majles representatives. All legislation passed by the Majles is sent to the Council of Guardians for approval. The Majles also approve the members of the Council of Ministers, the Iranian equivalent of the UK's Cabinet, who are appointed by the President. The Council of Guardians reviews legislation passed by the Majles for constitutionality and adherence to Islamic law. It is composed of six theologians appointed by the Supreme Leader and six jurists nominated by the judiciary and approved by the Majles. The Council of Guardians also has the power to vet candidates for the Majles, local councils, the Presidency and the Assembly of Experts.
The Council for the Discernment of Expediency was created in 1988 to resolve disputes over legislation between the Majles and the Council of Guardians. In August 1989 it became an advisory body on national policy and constitutional issues for the Supreme Leader. It is currently led by former President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and includes the heads of all three branches of government and the clerical members of the Council of Guardians. The Supreme Leader appoints other members for a three-year term.
Political parties were legalised in 1998 after a 13-year ban and are still at an early stage of development. Parties must accept the principle of Velayat-e Faqih meaning rule by the Islamic Jurist or 'Faqih' – the Supreme Leader.
Factions, particularly in the Majles, are most often defined broadly as 'reformist' or 'conservative'. The dominant faction in the Majles is currently Abadgaran, the Development Coalition of Islamic Iran, whose platform is conservative.
POLITICSRecent Political DevelopmentsPresidential elections took place on 24 June 2005. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad a hardline conservative, and former mayor of Tehran, beat, former President Rafsanjani (1989 - 1997), apragmatic conservative. President Ahmadinejad secured just over one third of the votes. He replaced the reformist President Khatami, who presided from May 1997 – June 2005. Although there was a relatively high turnout of approximately 59%, the Guardian Council, an unelected body of clerics and jurists that vet candidates, prevented the vast majority of candidates, including all female ones, from standing. There were also concerns about vote rigging in the first round of the two-round election. A new draft electoral law, if approved in its present format, would place further restrictions on who could stand for elected offices.
The political fallout of the election saw the further marginalisation of reformists and increased tensions between traditional and pragmatic conservatives on the one hand and the ascendant younger radical hard-liners, linked to the new president on the other. The political influence of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the Basij and other security apparatus has continued to increase with numerous official positions in Tehran and the provinces now occupied by those linked to these bodies. This cadre of new hard-line conservatives, some of whom draw their spiritual guidance from the radical Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi, appear to be successfully challenging the dominance of the older generation of traditional and pragmatic conservatives.
Since his election, Ahmadinejad has pursued a populist conservative agenda promising social justice, economic redistribution and an anti-corruption campaign, although he does not appear to have delivered on any of these election promises. In September 2006, Welfare Minister Parviz Kazemi, was the first of Ahmadinejad's ministers to be sacked. His removal from this important office, (20% of the budget goes to the Welfare Ministry) may have been a result of Kazemi's perceived failure to deliver on Ahmadinejad's economic redistribution promises. The president has embarked on an extensive and expensive tour of the provinces and tried to expand his role into the foreign policy arena by making provocative statements on Iran's nuclear programme, Israel and the Holocaust.
The Supreme Leader appears to be generally supportive of the president's policies, although he has criticised the government for failing to curb inflation and blocked Ahmadinejad's plan to allow women to attend football matches.
Relations between the president and Majles (parliament) have been difficult despite the fact that Ahmadinejad is a member of the hardline conservative Abadgaran party, which has a majority in the Majles. The two have clashed, most noticeably over Ahmadinejad's ministerial appointments, the budget and funding for petroleum imports. The last Majles election was in February 2004, when the Council of Guardians disqualified several thousand candidates from standing in the elections, including over a quarter of the sitting deputies. Most of those disqualified were reformists. In protest over 600 candidates refused to take part in the elections. The net result was that in around half the seats there was effectively no alternative to conservative candidates, who turned around a reformist majority.
Elections to the Assembly of Experts and local council elections were held on 15 December 2006. The hardline conservatives linked to Ahmadinejad and Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi did not do as well as expected; pragmatic and traditional conservative clerics including Ali Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani dominated in the Assembly and the local elections saw a modest revival for the reformists and in Tehran for the incumbent mayor, Qalibaf, a conservative rival to Ahmadinejad.
The unanimous adoption of UN resolutions on the nuclear file (see Nuclear Section below), coupled with growing economic pressures and uneasiness within the regime that Ahmadinejad's confrontational approach to foreign policy is not serving wider interests, have sparked signs of debate inside the regime. Pragmatists and reformers are now openly critical of Ahmadinejad and his tactics. Ahmadinejad suffered a defeat in mid December local elections and he is being blamed for high inflation as a result of extravagant public spending, and a likely medium term fall in oil production as foreign investment dries up.
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSIran's relations with most countries improved following President Khatami's election 1997.
United Kingdom diplomatic relations with Iran have been cut off and restored several times since the 1979 Revolution. Iran's relations with most countries improved following the reformist President Khatami's election 1997. UK-Iran relations were fully restored after Iran gave assurances in 1998 that it had no intention to threaten the life of Salman Rushdie. The UK and Iran exchanged Ambassadors in 1999. UK policy towards Iran, like that of the EU, is one of 'constructive but critical engagement'. We aim to support the reform process while maintaining a robust dialogue on issues of concern. These issues include human rights and fundamental freedoms, Iran's nuclear programme, Iran's support for terrorism and for groups seeking to undermine the Middle East Peace Process and other regional issues. The UK and Iran have worked together in the fight against the drugs trade in the region and assistance for the large number of refugees from Iraq and Afghanistan.
EU Foreign Ministers agreed to the negotiation of a Trade and Co-operation Agreement (TCA) between Iran and the EU in June 2002. Negotiations were suspended in June 2003 due to EU concern over Iran's nuclear programme. In light of the IAEA's resolution on 24 September 2005, finding Iran non-compliant with its safe guards agreements, there are no plans at the moment for further negotiating in the TCA or parallel negotiations on a Political Agreement. These negotiations confirmed the EU's readiness to explore ways to further develop political and economic co-operation with Iran, following action by Iran to also address the concerns of the EU.
Iran-US relations have not been restored since they were broken off in 1980. The US replaced the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act in July 2001. In 2006 the Iran Freedom Support Act imposed sanctions for a further five years. And in January 2002 President Bush referred to Iran as part of an 'Axis of Evil'. Unless Iran and the US change their policies neither country believes that normal relations are possible. But neither seems ready to do so at the current time. On 28 May US and Iranian Ambassadors in Iraq met, along with senior members of the Iraqi government, to discuss Iraq. We welcome this meeting which was the first official meeting between the US and Iranian governments since 1980.
On the question of the possibility of military action against Iran. The Government of the United Kingdom, along with the rest of the international community, is deeply concerned by Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile programmes. We are committed, together with the E3+3 (China, France, Germany, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States) to a twin-track approach, intended to apply pressure on Iran to persuade it to engage in negotiations on a long-term agreement which would address the concerns of the international community over Iran's nuclear programme
Iran's relations with Iraq never fully recovered from the Iran-Iraq War during the 1980s. However, during the Iraq conflict, Iran declared itself neutral. While it criticised military action, it made a commitment to remain outside the conflict. Iran says that it wants to work towards a stable and cohesive Iraq and they have direct bilateral engagement with the Iraqi Government. Iran is working with the Iraqi authorities in a number of areas such as border control and power supply. Iran hosted a conference on 30 November 2004, to discuss security in Iraq, ways to help the Iraqis stage their general election on schedule and stop the infiltration of insurgents. This was hosted by the Iranian Interior Minister. Interior Ministers and security officials from Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Syria, Turkey, Jordan and Egypt also participated. Iran also participated in the Sharm el Sheikh Iraq Neighbours Meeting on 4 May 2007, which resulted in an agreement to establish three neighbours working groups on security, refugees and food supplies.
However, we are gravely concerned that Iran is also providing explosives, detonators and training to the Shi'a militias who are engaged in operations against the UN forces in Iraq. We cannot be sure of the degree to which those in the senior levels of the Iranian Government are complicit in this activity. Any Iranian links to armed groups in Iraq outside the political process, either through supply of weapons, training or funding, are unacceptable. They undermine Iran's long-term interest in a secure, stable and democratic Iraq.
Elsewhere in the region, Iran publicly expresses its support for stability in Afghanistan, having suffered from the Afghan civil war and then the Taliban. Iran has pledged \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\$560 million over 5 years to the reconstruction of Afghanistan. The two countries have developed good anti-narcotics co-operation. But we have evidence of arms supplies to the Taleban originating in Iran, which is a worrying development.
Iran does not accept the two-state solution for Israel and the Palestinians. Iranian leaders have argued that Israel's existence was illegitimate, because it came about as a result of the destruction of Palestine. Iran continues to have a vehement anti-Israel stance and since becoming president, Ahmadinejad has made several provocative statements including calling for Israel to be 'wiped off the map'. Iran has been very critical of the Middle East Peace Process and we are seriously concerned at the material and political support which groups undermining peace in the Middle East through violence draw from within Iran.
Diplomatic Representation
NUCLEARThe UK, France and Germany (the "E3") have been engaged in dialogue with Iran for more than a year to encourage Iran to co-operate fully with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and take steps that would assure the international community that its nuclear programme is exclusively for peaceful purposes.
The E3 has argued that these steps must include, crucially, suspension of all uranium enrichment-related and reprocessing activities (low enriched uranium can be used as a fuel for nuclear power reactors; highly enriched uranium can be used as the fissile material for nuclear weapons). The IAEA has adopted by consensus successive resolutions requiring Iran to suspend. We have made clear that we do not dispute Iran's right to a civil nuclear power generation programme, and that provided Iran puts in place and sustains an acceptable suspension, we could negotiate long-term arrangements.
On 15 November 2004, Iran approved an agreement with the E3 about its nuclear programme, in which it agreed to suspend fully all enrichment-related and reprocessing activities and to sustain the suspension while negotiations took place on long-term arrangements which would provide objective guarantees that Iran's nuclear programme is exclusively for peaceful purposes, and lay the groundwork for wider nuclear, economic and technological co-operation.
On 5 August 2005, the E3 presented proposals to the Iranian government, as promised in a meeting in Geneva on 25 May 2005 between E3 Foreign Ministers and Hassan Rouhani, the senior Iranian negotiator. The following is a summary of those proposals and is self explanatory.
Iran's response was to break off the negotiations. It first resumed conversion of uranium ore into the feed material for enrichment centrifuges, uranium hexafluoride or UF6, and then, in February 2006, enrichment. The UK has worked closely with China, Russia and the US, encouraging Iran to reinstate the suspension and return to talks. The measures the IAEA Board and Security Council have asked for would not affect Iran's pursuit of nuclear energy, but Iranian suspension would however give us confidence that Iran is not seeking the know-how to make fissile material for weapons.
In June 2006, Javier Solana on behalf of the E3 and the US, Russia and China (the E3 plus 3) presented Iran with a far-reaching package of E3/EU proposals and said that if Iran were prepared to take the steps required by the IAEA Board, we would hold off further action at the UN Security Council ('suspension for suspension'). Our proposals offered Iran, in a long-term agreement, everything it would need to develop a modern nuclear power industry, such as help building power stations, guaranteed supplies of fuel and cooperation on nuclear research. Iran would also get trade benefits that would stimulate the investment it needs to provide jobs for a growing population. In a genuinely historic decision, the US said it would join any talks and consider, in a final agreement, lifting sanctions on Iran for the first time since 1979 in areas where Iran's needs are most acute, such as civilian aircraft and IT. Iran chose not to pursue the proposals. And rather than suspend enrichment - a legal obligation since the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution (SCR) 1696 on 31 July 2006 - it continued on a bigger scale.
The UN Security Council adopted SCR 1737 on 23 December 2006. The Resolution extended the range of sensitive nuclear activities Iran is legally obliged to suspend, required Iran to give additional access to the IAEA, banned the export of certain goods relevant to sensitive nuclear and missile programmes, imposed an asset freeze on listed entities/individuals and introduces a variety of other targeted sanctions. Mohamed El-Baradei, Director General of the IAEA, reported on 22 February that Iran had not complied with SCR 1737 and the Security Council adopted a further Resolution (1747) on 24 March.
This new Resolution adds to the individuals and entities listed, including some linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), imposes a ban on exports of arms from Iran and on exports to Iran of large arms. EU Foreign Ministers agreed on 23 April that in implementing the resolutions the EU should expand the scope of the embargo, add more names to the asset freeze, ban the travel of listed individuals and introduce a fully fledged EU arms embargo on Iran.
But both Resolutions offer Iran a way out, making clear that the Vienna proposals are still on offer, and that if Iran suspends enrichment-related, reprocessing and heavy-water related activities, the Security Council will suspend the implementation of sanctions and suspend further action at the Security Council ('suspension for double suspension').
HUMAN RIGHTSThe human rights situation in Iran remains poor. Violations of freedom of expression and freedom of religion are worsening. Journalists, academics, human rights defenders, and religious and ethnic minorities face harassment, intimidation and threats of prosecution. The use of the death penalty is rising and cruel punishments such as flogging, stoning and amputations remain on the statute books. Iran is one of the few countries in the world that still executes juvenile offenders. We have serious concerns about the lack of effective action to reform laws, institutions and official practices.
Our current major issues of concern in Iran are:
Freedom of expressionRestrictions on freedom of expression appear to have tightened over the past 12 months, with intimidation and targeted arrests of journalists, human rights defenders, lawyers and labour rights activists on the increase. Three national publications had their licences revoked in September 2006, including the leading reformist daily Shargh which was out of print for the following six months, and several editors and journalists face legal proceedings and charges of disseminating propaganda against the regime, agitating public opinion or publication of lies. The Government has been known to issue directives forbidding press coverage of, and debate about, certain political issues. Criticism of the Supreme Leader is not tolerated. The internet is popular in Iran, especially amongst the large young generation, and Iran has one of the largest blogging populations in the world. But the internet is not immune from government censorship: many websites and blogs that provide news or comment critical of the regime have been blocked, bloggers arrested, and internet connection speeds limited in order to restrict access to foreign websites and audio and visual internet services. Concerns about possible action against them has led many journalists and bloggers to self-censor their work, and to a reluctance amongst non-governmental organisations to have contact with foreign embassies or governments.
Religious minoritiesRespect for minorities (religious and ethnic) is deteriorating, and many that practise minority religions in Iran continue to suffer discrimination. Three minority religions are recognised by the Iranian constitution – Christianity, Judaism and Zoroastrianism – but they remain vulnerable in a society governed by the laws and values of Islam. The Bahá'í religion is not officially recognised, so members of the Bahá'í community enjoy no constitutional freedoms. They face frequent and increasing persecution: two of their sacred sites were demolished in 2004, fifty-four Bahá'ís were arrested in Shiraz in May 2006, and many experience considerable problems gaining access to higher education. Under Iranian law, conversion from Islam to any other religion is a crime and may, in theory, be punished by death. There have been several cases of Christians converts being arrested, and although most are released on bail without charge, the threat of re-arrest hangs over them.
The death penaltyWe are extremely concerned about the increasing use of the death penalty in Iran, and the absence of many of the most basic standards surrounding its use. According to leading human rights organisations, Iran was second only to China in terms of total number of executions in 2006. Reports suggest that between five and eight juvenile executions took place in 2005 – more than in any recent year – and at least two in 2006. Iranian judges continue to hand down death sentences those who were under the age of 18 at the time of their offence, despite Iran's international commitments to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and despite announcing a moratorium on juvenile executions in January 2005.
ConclusionThere are those who continue to work to improve the human rights situation in Iran, despite the intimidation that they face. Iranian human rights lawyer Shirin Ebadi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize and returned to Iran where she has spoken out against injustices, particularly on women and children's issues. While hard-liners have sought to intimidate her, some in the government actively welcome the award and have supported her.
There have also been some positive legislative developments in recent years, for example, a new law to give women greater (though still not equal) divorce rights; and one to bring the ‘blood money' paid to Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians (though not Bahá'ís) into line with amounts paid to Muslims. A moratorium on stoning was announced in December 2002 and on amputations in March 2003. There are reports that people continue to receive sentences but it is unclear whether they are carried out. A progressive juvenile justice bill was drafted in 2003 but remains with the Majles.
In general, we remain deeply concerned about the deteriorating human rights situation, and the apparent reluctance on the part of the government to undertake the necessary reforms in this area. The international community clearly has a duty to respond, and human rights remain a central part of our policy approach towards Iran. We, and the EU, have consistently said that our relations with Iran also depend on the steps it takes to address its poor human rights record.
The UK Government continues to raise our human rights concerns with the Iranian authorities regularly and at all levels, we do so bilaterally and through the EU. This enables us to discuss specific violations and the need for effective reforms, and to continue to press Iran to uphold its obligations under international human rights conventions. We also take action at the United Nations, and were pleased that all EU countries co-sponsored a resolution at the last UN General Assembly, which expressed serious concern at the human rights situation in Iran. The UN General Assembly adopted the resolution on 19 December 2006, for the fourth consecutive year, which sends a strong and consistent message of international concern at the human rights situation in Iran.
ECONOMYBasic Economic Facts GDP (2006): \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\$184.5 billion
GDP per capita: \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\$1.715
GDP Growth (2006): 4.7%
Inflation: (est)11.2%
Unemployment: (est) 11%
Major Industries: Oil provides about 80% of export earnings and 50% of government revenue. Other main trading areas are gas, petrochemicals, mining,agriculture, car manufacturing, mineral products, metal fabrication, and food processing Major trading partners (OECD): Germany, Japan, France, Italy, UAE, China, UK, and South Korea.
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