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Moldova
Area: 33,843 sq km
Population: 4.32m
Capital City: Chisinau (population: 656,000)
People: Moldovan/Romanian (65%), Ukrainian (13.8%), Russian (13%), Gagauz (Christian Turks) (3.5%), Jewish (1.5%), Bulgarian (2%), other (1.2%)
Main Languages: Moldovan and Russian
Religion(s): Eastern orthodox (98%), Jewish, Baptist
Currency: Moldovan lei (MDL)
Political system: A form of parliamentary democracy, with a strong presidency
Major political parties and alliances: Communist Party, Popular Christian Democratic Party, Moldova Noastra (Our Moldova), Democratic Party, Party of Social Democracy and Social-Liberal Party
Government: Parliamentary Republic
Head of State: President Vladimir Voronin
Prime Minister: Vasile Tarlev
Foreign Minister: Andrei Stratan
Membership of international groupings/organisations: United Nations, World Trade Organisation (WTO), Council of Europe, Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), International Monetary Fund (IMF), Interpol, Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), NATO's Partnership for Peace, Stability Pact for South East Europe, GUAM, Central European Free Trade Area (CEFTA)
GEOGRAPHYMoldova is a landlocked country in Eastern Europe and borders Romania and Ukraine, while agreements with Ukraine allow Moldova to enjoy access to the Black Sea via a small portion of the Danube in Giurgiulesti. The terrain consists of rolling steppe with a gradual slope towards the Black Sea. Moldova has cold to moderate winters and generally warm summers. It has natural resources of lignite, phosphorites and gypsum. Rich black soils make it very suitable for agriculture.
HISTORYRecent HistoryMost of the territory of Moldova was before World War II the Romanian province of Bessarabia. It was annexed by the Soviet Union in 1940 and combined with existing Soviet territory - an area on the left bank of the Nistru (Dniester) river, to which Stalin had given the status of autonomous region in 1924. The newly formed State was named the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic (MSSR), one of fifteen Soviet republics.
Like all other Soviet republics, the MSSR was governed by the Communist Party leadership in Moscow, through local subordinate party and government structures. The economy was centrally planned, also from Moscow. Moscow decreed that the local language, originally Romanian (a Latin language), was written in Cyrillic script and renamed Moldavian. Russian was obligatory in schools, in administration and of course in dealings with Moscow. Political dissent, nationalist sentiment and any other manifestation of opposition to the one-party, Russian-dominated State were suppressed by the KGB.
As the political climate began to ease in the late 1980s under Gorbachev, nationalist stirrings began in Moldavia as well as in other republics of the Soviet Union. It became a strong trend by 1989, leading to a declaration of independence by the now renamed Moldova in August 1991. In 1990 politicians toyed with the notion of unification with Romania (following the fall of Ceausescu). A law making Moldovan the sole state language was adopted. These moves alarmed the republic's non-Moldovan population, mainly ethnic Russians, Ukrainians and Gagauz (Christian,Turkish speaking population), resulting in their unilateral proclamation of separate republics in Transnistria (12% of Moldovan territory, 14% of the population) and the Gagauz region (the latter remained, however, within the Moldovan state). The problem, though often characterised as an ethnic one, owes more to ideological, historical, social and economic factors.
TransnistriaThe population of the Transnistrian region is 40% Moldovan, 28% Ukrainian and 23% Russian. Much of the Russian population moved there from Russia in Soviet times as a workforce for the Soviet Republic's industries, many of which are located in this region. The region's leadership maintains close links with Russia: its 'President' Smirnov hails from Siberia, moved to Transnistria in 1987 and holds Russian citizenship. In the wake of moves to rejoin Romania (see above) and following independence, a separatist movement in the Transnistrian region on the left bank of the Nistru River declared a 'Dniester Republic'. Tension rose and in 1992 armed clashes occurred between government forces and Transnistrian separatists, resulting in several hundred deaths and the flight of tens of thousands of refugees to Ukraine. Following peace efforts by the Foreign Ministers of Moldova, Russia, Ukraine and Romania in April 1992, Presidents Yeltsin and Snegur signed an agreement in July 1992 confirming Moldovan territorial integrity and providing for the deployment of a tripartite Russian, Moldovan and Transnistrian peace-keeping force in Transnistria. They also agreed that a special status should be negotiated for Transnistria. However, no agreement on the status of Russian forces was ever formally concluded.
Moldovan leaders, with the mediation efforts of the OSCE, Russia and Ukraine, have sought to reach a political settlement with Transnistria and Gagauzia. In July 1994 the Moldovan parliament approved a constitution according to which Transnistria and Gagauzia would be granted a special status. In December 1994, after several months of negotiations, legislation was adopted and duly implemented on Gagauzia.
Negotiations with the Transnistrians have proved far more difficult. Eventually in 1997, Moldova and Transnistria signed a Memorandum on the bases for Normalisation of Relations with international backing. This memorandum established the framework for negotiations to reach a political settlement, involving the Moldovan and Transnistrian authorities with Ukraine, Russia and the OSCE as mediators. This agreement foresaw a broad degree of autonomy for Transnistria within a unitary Moldovan state; foreign and security policy would remain the preserve of central (i.e. Moldovan) government. But no agreement was reached and the negotiations remained sluggish.
In July 2002, the mediators approved a document setting out a by the OSCE and the mediation states (Ukraine and Russia) draft federalisation plan, and in February 2003 the Moldovans and Transnistrians agreed to establish a Joint Constitutional Committee (JCC) to draft a new Moldovan constitution for a re-integrated state. The JCC has met regularly but progress has been slow. Deep differences remain on the fundamental questions of the structure of the federation and the relative powers of the entities. Chisinau wants a unitary state, with Transnistria a subordinate federal subject with extensive internal autonomy. Tiraspol wants equal status for Transnistria and so favours a confederal arrangement in which it would have equal powers.
On 24 February 2003, the EU's General Affairs and External Relations Council announced an EU visa ban against those members of the Transnistrian leadership considered to be primarily responsible for the lack of co-operation to find a political settlement to the conflict. The EU renewed the ban in February 2004, February 2005 and again in February 2007.
In late November 2003, Russia produced a document setting out the parameters for a settlement. This was at the initiative of Presidents Voronin and Putin and drafted by Dmitri Kozak, then Deputy Head of the Russian Presidential Administration, following months of opaque negotiations with President Voronin's administration and the Transnistrian authorities. The Kozak document was drawn up in parallel to the OSCE-led negotiation and drafting of a text by the three mediators. The OSCE refused to endorse the document and the opposition parties within Moldova held widespread anti-government protests. Voronin initially welcomed the Russian paper but the planned signature on 25 November was cancelled along with a visit by President Putin.
Progress since then has been limited, although the Ukrainian settlement proposal put forward in March 2005 has given some impetus to the process. The first substantive talks between the parties and mediators since formal negotiations broke down again in July 2004 took place in Ukraine on 15 and 16 May 2005. In addition, at a meeting in Odessa on 26/27 September 2005, the parties and mediators agreed to invite the EU and US to participate as observers in the settlement talks. The first round of talks in this format took place on 27/28 October. The Ukrainians and Moldovans requested EU assistance in improving the transparency across the Ukraine/Moldova border. The EU has responded positively to this request, and on 30 November 2005 launched a border mission to Moldova and Ukraine to help in efforts to address the security concerns associated with illegal trade across the border.
These developments came after almost a year of deadlock during which tensions rose significantly, primarily a result of Transnistrian moves to force the closure of Latin script schools in the region (the schools teach Moldovan in the Latin script and use the curriculum of the Moldovan Ministry of Education. Other schools in Transnistria teach Moldovan using the Cyrillic script under the curriculum of the Transnistrian "Ministry of Education"). Schools re-opened on 1 September 2005 and the situation for teachers, parents and students improved considerably. Accordingly, on 12 December the EU decided to partially lift travel restrictions imposed in August 2004 against individuals within the Transnistrian administration directly responsible for the measures. The EU chose to leave the ban in place against two officials from Ribnitsa, where the school continues to operate from temporary premises.
Although unlikely to break out into violence again, the conflict is a concern for Europe, especially given Moldova's position as a future neighbouring country of the enlarged EU. Not only is Moldovan territorial integrity undermined, but there are serious security concerns too (e.g. alleged arms smuggling to other regional conflicts and cigarette, people and drugs trafficking to the West).
Ammunition WithdrawalThe presence of Russian troops from the former Soviet 14th Army and approximately 43,000 tonnes of arms and ammunition remains of concern. The Russians and Moldovans signed an agreement on a 3-year timescale for the withdrawal of the Russian 14th Army forces in October 1994, but this was not ratified by the Duma so never entered force. The Istanbul OSCE Summit (November 1999) agreed a decision calling for full withdrawal of arms and ammunition from Transnistria or their destruction in situ by end 2002 and withdrawal of Russian forces. A few trains loaded with ammunition did leave the territory in 2002 but the Transnistrian authorities put obstacles in the way of complete withdrawal or destruction. As a result, at the OSCE Ministerial in Porto in December 2002, Russia successfully negotiated a new deadline for full withdrawal of Russian arms, ammunition and forces from Transnistria – 31 December 2003. From mid-March to mid-June 2003 approximately 16,000 tonnes was removed. However, in mid-June 2003, the Transnistrian authorities halted further loading or removal of ammunition. They claimed that they were blocking operations until Russia paid USD100m in assistance promised to reduce Transnistria’s debt to the Russian gas monopoly Gazprom. A further trainload left Moldova in March 2004, but a substantial amount of the ammunition remains in Transnistria. At successive OSCE Ministerials the EU has expressed regret at Russia’s failure to comply with their Istanbul Commitments and has stressed the need for the fulfilment of these Commitments without further delay.
Longer Historical Perspective
POLITICSRecent Political DevelopmentsIn July 2000, the Moldovan parliament voted by a large majority to change the constitution, ending direct presidential elections and creating a Parliamentary Republic. However, in December 2000 the first attempt by parliament to elect the president ended in disarray, resulting in the dissolution of parliament. In the subsequent February 2001 parliamentary elections, the Communist Party of Moldova won more than two-thirds of the seats in the parliament (50.2% of the vote) and elected party chairman Vladimir Voronin as the new President. The OSCE Election Observation Mission concluded that the parliamentary elections met international standards for democratic elections, consolidating a trend already evidenced during the two previous elections since Moldova’s independence.
Since the 2001 elections the Communist party’s grip on power has remained firm, despite a fundamental change in policy from a strongly pro-Russian to pro-EU position. The main opposition parties have remained active, organising several demonstrations during 2002 and 2003 as well as a parliamentary boycott during 2003, but this has not threatened the position of the Communist government. The 2003 local elections confirmed the Communist Party's strong support; they won just under 50% of votes countrywide. However, the local elections also marked a backward step in the otherwise positive development of democracy in Moldova since independence. Although the OSCE concluded that the elections were generally in line with international standards, observers were critical of interference by the authorities and state-media bias during the campaign period. The opposition also accused the government of revising the division of local authorities to favour its much stronger local party network.
Elections to the People's Assembly were held in the autonomous Gagauz region in late November/early December 2003. The Communist party and those loyal to it won the majority of seats. Independent candidates secured a small number of seats, while the principal opposition parties failed to win a single seat. The OSCE Election Observation Mission concluded that the elections were conducted in line with international standards for transparency, but again noted some concerns, including deficiencies in protecting the secrecy of the vote, divergences in the implementation of the election law with regard to the use of mobile boxes, and the presence of police within polling stations.
Moldova held parliamentary elections on 6 March 2005, with the ruling Communist Party winning 46.1% of the vote, equivalent to 56 of the 101 seats in parliament. This was down from their previous majority of 71 and meant that they could not elect the President on their own (which requires 61 seats). The leaders of the two opposition parties which also won seats, the Democratic Moldova bloc (BMD) and Christian Democrats, both promised not to co-operate with the Communists. However, the BMD coalition fragmented after the election, with eight BMD deputies leaving to form the Democratic Party and a further three creating an informal parliamentary group. All 11 voted on 4 April for the incumbent President, Vladimir Voronin. The Christian Democrats also voted for Voronin, who ultimately won a total of 75 votes, securing his re-election as President.
The OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), which deployed a full election observation mission, concluded that the elections generally complied with international standards, but fell short in some key areas. The main shortcomings noted concerned unequal campaign conditions and constrained media coverage. On 8 March the EU issued a declaration welcoming the positive aspects but calling on the Moldovan authorities to address the shortcomings without delay.
ECONOMYBasic Economic FactsGDP: US\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\$ 2.988bn (2005); US\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\$ 3.356bn (2006)
GDP per head: US\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\$ 831 (2005); US\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\$ 936 (2006)
Annual Growth: 4% (2006) and 5% forecasted growth for 2007 (IMF estimate)
Inflation (CPI end of period): 4.4% (Official figure for 2002), and 15.7% for 2003
Major Industries: agro-foods, wines and beverages, textiles, metals, tobacco, vegetable oil, electrical appliances, shoes and leather products
Major trading partners: Russia, Romania, Ukraine, Germany, Italy. Russia, the US, France and Spain are significant investors in Moldova
Exchange rate: (06 June 2007): 1 GBP = 24.50 Lei; US\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\$ 1 = 12.29 Lei; 1 EUR = 16.61 Lei
The proximity to the Black Sea provides Moldova with a mild and sunny climate though winters can be cold. Agriculture accounts for around one quarter of total GDP. The fertile soil of the river valleys supports wheat, corn, barley, tobacco and sugar beet, as well as beef and dairy cattle. Moldova is also well known for its vineyards and fruits. The country does not have significant mineral deposits, so has to import all of its supplies of oil, coal, and natural gas from Russia and Ukraine.
As a legacy of the former USSR internal trade system, Moldova remains particularly dependent on Russia as a market for its agricultural products and for imports of energy and raw materials.
2006 was particularly difficult for the Moldovan trade balance, as Russia banned Moldovan exports of wine and agricultural products on its market in March 2006. While Russia’s ban on some agricultural products has been lifted, the ban on wine exports has not yet been restored (June 2007). This ban has widened further the Moldovan trade gap; trade deficit reached an alarming level of 60% (US\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\$ 1.642bn) in 2006.
The geographical distribution of Moldovan exports in 2006 was as follows: 40.3% CIS, 35% EU, 16.5% CEE, 8.2% other countries. The main imports came from the CIS (37.9%), EU (31.1%), CEE (14.4%), other countries (16.6%). As a trend, the importance of the EU as a trading partner increased in the last decade, and is expected to grow further.
Following a decade of contraction, which was particularly severe in the aftermath of the 1998 Russian financial crash, Moldova posted its first positive economic growth in 2000. Growth has continued since then, albeit from a very low base. Structural reform has not lead to efficient results, especially in the sphere of privatisation. Thus in spite of the voucher privatisation of small and medium sized enterprises in the early years of independence, privatisation of large-scale enterprises has been halting and each case has been controversial.
In spite of macroeconomic improvement, Moldova remains the poorest country in Europe, with a significant external debt; The GDP per capita is significantly below the average for CIS and central European states. During the 1990s, Moldova drew heavily on multilateral lending, but the IMF and World Bank have periodically suspended lending over Moldova's failure to meet the necessary conditions. Moldova has continued negotiations with the IMF and WB under the Communist administration. However in July 2003 the IMF announced that it was not continuing its financial package to Moldova, due to the Moldovan Government's failure to meet a number of requirements. Surprisingly, Moldova managed to do relatively well without external support, mainly due to significant remittances from Moldovans working abroad (in 2006 these were US\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\$ 855m (National Bank of Moldova)) Around 1m Moldovans are thought to be working abroad (legally or illegally). This represents more than 30% of the economically active population and about 15% of the total population. These have significantly contributed to the economic growth registered in the last few years and have prevented Moldova from collapsing from several external events outside of the Moldovan Governments control (e.g. Russia’s export ban and doubling of natural gas prices).
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSMoldova is a member of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), but has not joined its Collective Security Treaty, the Eurasian Economic Community, or the Single Economic Space established in September 2003. Relations with Russia strengthened during President Vladimir Voronin’s first years in power, but have deteriorated since the Moldovan rejection of the Kozak memorandum in November 2003. The recent parliamentary elections further strained the relationship, with many people in Moldova, including the government, accusing Russia of interfering in the elections.
Relations with Romania are generally cordial but the relationship is strained. A number of unresolved issues (e.g. on border demarcation) exist between the two countries. Since the accession of Romania to the EU in 2007 Moldovans wishing to travel to or transit through Romania have been obliged to obtain visas. Romanian accession to the EU also brought about the end of its Free Trade Agreement with Moldova.
Moldova has been a leading member of GUAM (Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova - formerly GUUAM, until Uzbekistan’s withdrawal in May 2005) since the core group of states first met in 1996. GUAM is a sub-group of the CIS without Russia, and member states seek to co-operate on political and economic issues. The grouping was formalised at the June 2001 GUUAM Summit in Yalta. It has not been very active since then, but developments in Georgia and Ukraine have given the grouping some impetus. A GUAM Summit in Chisinau in April 2005 was used to launch the new guise of the grouping, which is set to become a standing regional organisation, with a permanent Secretariat in Kiev.
The United Kingdom, together with EU partners, recognised Moldova on 31 December 1991. Moldova joined the Council of Europe in July 1995, the first CIS member state to do so. The EU/Moldova Partnership and Cooperation Agreement entered into force on 1 July 1998. The first Cooperation Council met in July 1998.
During 2001 Moldova acceded to the WTO and the Stability Pact for South East Europe.
Moldova assumed the Chair of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe from May-November 2003. The Council has periodically expressed concern at developments within Moldova relating to political dialogue with the Opposition; the treatment of the Bessarabian Church; and the independence of the media.
President Voronin has publicly avowed a policy of working towards closer relations with, and eventual membership of, the EU. This theme is gaining ever greater prominence in statements by the leadership at all levels. In Summer 2003, Moldova created a new Department for European Integration within the MFA, headed by then First Deputy Foreign Minister Stratan, who subsequently became Foreign Minister. In October 2003 President Voronin presented to the European Commission a concept paper for Moldovan integration into the EU.
Moldova is a priority country for the European Neighbourhood Policy, launched by the Foreign Secretary, Jack Straw, in spring 2002. The Policy offers Moldova a much closer relationship with the EU provided it carries out the necessary economic and political reforms. A jointly agreed Action Plan setting out key reform priorities was launched on 22 February 2005.
The EU has also appointed a Special Representative (EUSR) for Moldova, (Kalman Mizsei who assumed the role in March 2007 from Adriaan Jacobovits de Szeged), whose principal role is to contribute to a peaceful settlement of the Transnistria conflict. In addition, the EUSR will contribute to the strengthening of democracy, rule of law and respect for fundamental freedoms for all citizens of Moldova, promote good and close relations between the EU and Moldova on the basis of common values as set out in the ENP Action Plan, and assist in the fight against trafficking of weapons and other goods and of people from and through Moldova.
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